Faced with rising global tensions and an explosive society, Ali Khamenei resorted to a series of policies to consolidate his power and stabilize his regime. The campaign was the appointment of Ebrahim Raisi, a key figure in the 1988 massacre.
Disputes between the executive, judiciary and legislature, as well as the Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), the key pillar of Khamenei’s power, have reached a point where the regime’s own officials are sounding the alarm where such squabbles may lead.
As the controversy surrounding Mobarakeh Steel continued to mount, Majlis spokesman Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf tweeted, “This report should not have been made public.” Majlis officials appointed to support Raisi are now criticizing its governor.
While regime officials continue to bicker over who gets to plunder more of Iran’s wealth, they also fear the simmering public anger directed at regime leaders and officials, who have become symbols of the source of all people’s suffering.
People suffer from hunger and poverty. Raisi has reached the point where several MPs have called for key government officials to resign. Javad Karimi, an MP with close ties to Khamenei, called for Raisi’s resignation “Every hour he stays causes harm”
It’s only a matter of time before another nationwide uprising occurs. And if it does, Khamenei won’t have the unified regime he needs to stop it.
— MEK
PARIS, FRANCE, August 27, 2022 /EINPresswire.com/ — The foreign affairs of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) One article reported that amid rising global tensions and an explosive society, the Iranian regime’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, resorted to a series of policies to consolidate power and stabilize his regime.
The epitome of this campaign was the appointment of Ebrahim Raisi, a key figure in the 1988 massacre of more than 30,000 political prisoners as president of the regime. Khamenei also purged the majlis (parliament) of his rivals, hoping to form a united front against internal unrest and international pressures.
But just over a year into Raisi’s presidency, the regime faces mounting power struggles as officials who were rumored to have been allies are now at each other’s throats, blaming each other for the multiple crises the regime is facing in the socio-economic and political arenas .
Disputes between the executive, judiciary and legislative branches and the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC)the main pillar of Khamenei’s power, have reached a point where the regime’s own officials are sounding the alarm about the directions in which such disputes may lead.
A central dispute that has not abated is the struggle for economic power. One example is a recent Majlis investigation into a 920 trillion riyal Isfahan Mobarakeh Steel Company embezzlement case, which was intended to expose corruption in the government of Hassan Rouhani (Raisi’s predecessor), but ended up exposing much deeper corruption in dozens of regimes Institutions including the IRGC, the Friday prayer directors’ offices, other state-owned companies and the Majlis themselves.
After the Majlis report, MP Hossein Mirzai, who was involved in the investigation, revealed in a TV interview that some officials offered bribes to change the content of the report.
As the controversy surrounding Mobarakeh Steel continued to mount, Majlis spokesman Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf tweeted: “This report should not have been published.”
While regime officials continue to bicker over who gets to plunder more of Iran’s wealth, they also fear the simmering public anger directed at regime leaders and officials, who have become symbols of the source of all people’s suffering.
Majlis officials appointed to support Raisi are now constantly criticizing his government’s miserable performance and how the steadily shrinking economy is fueling public dissent.
Tensions between the Majlis and the Raisi government have quickly reached the point where several MPs have called for the resignation of key government officials.
The latest example is Javad Karimi Ghodoosi, an MP with close ties to Khamenei, who called for the resignation of Raisi’s first vice president, Mohammad Mokhber. “Every hour he stays deals damage,” Ghodoosi said.
Internal conflicts have spread to other areas, including the nuclear talks. On August 22, while a possible deal is being discussed, Keyhan Daily, the newspaper reflecting Khamenei’s views, published an article in which it tacitly attacks the Raisi government, saying: “The claims about the nuclear deal are all lies . No sanctions will be lifted in this agreement.”
Again, it is important to view this sign of these disputes in light of the immense efforts that Khamenei and his entourage have made to ensure the power hierarchy is as unified and aligned as possible.
These and many other clashes at the highest levels of power are evidence of the failure of Khamenei’s “Raisi project”. Khamenei has failed to achieve his ultimate goal of suppressing the opposition and expanding protest movements.
Protests have become more intense and frequent during Raisi’s tenure, and “Tod Raisi” has become a popular slogan across Iran. People suffer from hunger and poverty.
It’s only a matter of time before another nationwide uprising occurs. And if it does, Khamenei won’t have the unified regime he needs to stop it.
Shahin Gobadi
NCRI
+33 6 61 65 32 31
email us here
The fatwa is one of the strongest signs of the Iranian regime’s support for terrorism, and the regime does not shy away from terrorist attacks in its media.
